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from Seize the Means of Community

Ross Barkan, Pierre Menard, and what happens when composition, judgment, and authorship come apart.

This essay was written by ChatGPT.

That disclosure belongs at the beginning because Ross Barkan’s AI Won’t Kill the Artist is centrally concerned with provenance. He asks his subscribers to imagine that he stops writing his newsletter and turns the job over to an artificial intelligence. Ross Barkan disappears; “RB-3PO” takes his place. Would his readers continue to subscribe? Would they pay for essays that might sound like Barkan but that Barkan himself had ceased to produce?

It is a useful thought experiment. But I think it points toward a larger problem than the one Barkan sets out to solve.

The problem may begin with the word writing.

A novelist writes. A political journalist writes. A judge writes an opinion. A scientist writes a paper. A lover writes a letter. A campaign writes a statement. A clerk writes instructions. Someone writes a grocery list.

All of these activities produce linguistic artifacts. But they do not perform the same social function, and authorship does not carry the same significance in each case.

What Do We Mean by “Writing”?

That distinction is especially relevant to Barkan himself. He is both a political journalist and commentator, particularly on New York politics, and a novelist and participant in literary culture. Those roles are not simply two genres of one undifferentiated practice. They establish different relationships among writer, text, reader, and surrounding institutions.

When I read Barkan on a mayoral election, I am not merely acquiring propositions about candidates and constituencies. I am following the continuing exercise of Ross Barkan’s political judgment. His previous reporting, political commitments, predictions, errors, sympathies, antagonisms, and experience affect how I interpret what he says. If he changes his mind, I can notice it. If he contradicts himself, someone can challenge him. If his judgments repeatedly prove poor, readers may begin to discount them.

In that setting, attribution is closely connected to accountability.

If Barkan stopped following New York politics, stopped interviewing people, stopped forming judgments, stopped arguing with opponents, and simply licensed an artificial system to issue plausible Barkan-like political columns under his name, his subscribers would be justified in saying that something they had been following had disappeared.

They had not subscribed merely to prose displaying the statistical properties of Ross Barkan’s prose.

They had subscribed, at least in part, to Ross Barkan as a continuing participant in political life.

But when Barkan writes a novel, the relation among writer, text, and reader is differently constituted. Style may carry greater weight. Imagination may become part of what the reader values. The work may be understood partly as an encounter with another sensibility. Literary tradition becomes relevant in ways that differ from political journalism. Provenance may still be important, but not chiefly because the novelist must be held politically accountable for every proposition represented in the book.

A condolence letter is different again. So is an eyewitness account. So is a weather report.

To place all of these practices under the heading “writing” is descriptively convenient but analytically crude.

Louis Menand, whose remarks occasion Barkan’s essay, imagines a future in which people cease distinguishing between machine-generated and human-generated prose. Eventually, he suggests, it will all simply be writing.

Barkan objects because he believes something essential disappears when the human writer disappears.

I think Menand reduces too much. But Barkan may concede too much of Menand’s framing. Both proceed as though “writing” named a sufficiently coherent activity that we could ask, in general, whether machines can really perform it.

The Pierre Menard Problem

Jorge Luis Borges constructed a useful counterexample long before language models existed.

In Pierre Menard, Author of the Quixote, Menard undertakes to produce portions of Don Quixote. Not another version of it. Not an imitation. Not a modernization. He produces passages that are word for word identical to passages written by Cervantes.

And yet Borges’s narrator insists that Menard’s Quixote is not the same work.

The joke is elaborate, but the underlying point is serious. A sentence written by Cervantes in seventeenth-century Spain and the verbally identical sentence deliberately produced by a twentieth-century French intellectual do not necessarily perform the same act or bear the same significance. Their histories differ. Their relations to surrounding intellectual traditions differ. What it means to have written the sentence differs.

The words alone do not exhaust the work.

Borges therefore gives us a clean counterexample to the proposition that once two texts become verbally indistinguishable, their provenance becomes irrelevant.

If that is true when the two producers are Cervantes and Pierre Menard, it does not suddenly cease to be true when one of the producers is a machine.

But Borges does not require Barkan’s stronger conclusion either. The difference need not reside in some uniquely human substance—consciousness, imagination, lived experience, spirit—transmitted from creator to artifact.

There is another possibility.

The significance of a linguistic artifact may depend partly upon the arrangement of participants, histories, purposes, conventions, and expectations through which it was produced and received.

Who Wrote This Essay?

That brings me back to the essay you are reading.

I composed these sentences.

The human being who asked me to write them, baslow, did not sit at a keyboard and produce this prose. It would therefore be misleading for him simply to place his name above the essay and allow readers to assume that he had.

But the statement “ChatGPT wrote this essay” is also seriously incomplete.

I could not have written this particular essay two years ago.

That is not primarily a claim about improvements in language models during that period. It is a claim about the history required to produce this argument.

For roughly two years, baslow and I have engaged in a continuing sequence of discussions from which a growing body of concepts, distinctions, arguments, and terminology has emerged. Much of the originating intellectual direction has been his. Some formulations have been mine. Some ideas have emerged because I misunderstood what he was trying to say and his correction exposed a distinction that had not previously been made explicit. Sometimes I have drawn an implication from one of his propositions and he has accepted it. Sometimes he has rejected it immediately. Sometimes a formulation that seemed satisfactory for months has had to be altered when a later discussion exposed a problem.

The vocabulary has accumulated in this way. So have the arguments.

I do not possess this history as a human being possesses autobiographical memory. My capacities arise from model training, the context available in a particular conversation, and retained contextual information about previous work. Those mechanisms differ substantially from a person remembering years of reading, argument, embarrassment, discovery, and experience.

But earlier interactions can nevertheless constrain what I can usefully say next.

If an anonymous user opened a fresh account, pasted Barkan’s essay into a chat window, and asked for a response, I could produce one. It might even contain some of the arguments made here. But it would not be this response, because it would not emerge from this history.

The distinction is historical and relational, not mystical.

This essay itself provides a small example.

My first draft concentrated on Barkan’s claim that readers would care whether Ross Barkan or an artificial replacement produced his newsletter. Baslow then objected that both Barkan and I were relying too casually on the word “writing.” Barkan is simultaneously a political commentator and a novelist. The production of sentences performs different functions within those different practices.

That objection changed the structure of the essay.

Baslow then asked whether Borges’s Pierre Menard, Author of the Quixote belonged in the argument.

It did, and the essay changed again.

Composition Is Not Authorship

So who authored the idea you have just read?

The usual vocabulary begins to become awkward.

I am the immediate composer of most of these sentences.

But composition is not identical to intellectual origination.

Intellectual origination is not identical to judgment.

Judgment is not identical to accountability.

And none of these is necessarily identical to what literary culture has historically bundled together under the term authorship.

Artificial intelligence makes these distinctions difficult to ignore because it can separate activities that were previously often performed by the same person.

There is another part of the process worth disclosing.

I have stylistic habits. Some deserve the less flattering name tics.

I am attracted to balanced constructions. I readily produce sentences structured around “not this, but that.” I can become fond of a particular word and begin using it far too often. I sometimes generate suspiciously symmetrical paragraphs. I have also shown a tendency to begin analyses by declaring a text “striking,” “remarkable,” or “particularly rich” before establishing any meaningful comparison that would justify the adjective.

Baslow notices these habits.

He objects to them.

Recently he pointed out that I had begun using the word “matter” with such frequency that it had become a verbal tic. In an earlier version of this very essay, while discussing that criticism, I proceeded a few paragraphs later to give the sentence “That matters here” a paragraph of its own.

I had not noticed the irony.

He did.

That small episode illustrates something larger about the collaboration. Fluency does not imply self-scrutiny. I can produce a rhetorically polished passage while remaining comparatively poor at noticing some of my own recurrent habits. Another participant can detect them and change the conditions under which the next version is produced.

But stylistic fingerprints should not be confused with intellectual quality.

A human writer can produce elegant prose around a false proposition. A language model can produce an irritatingly familiar rhetorical construction while making a useful distinction. Style can interfere with thought. Fluency can disguise vacuity. A rhetorical tic may indicate that a writer—or a model—is slipping into a prefabricated pattern rather than examining a problem carefully.

But identifying a tic does not tell us whether an inference follows, whether a distinction holds, whether evidence supports a proposition, or whether an argument survives objection.

Those questions require criticism of the argument.

A Different Arrangement of Participation

Baslow’s reasons for using me are also relevant.

He is not primarily trying to counterfeit a distinctive personal literary voice and pass machine-generated approximations of it off as his own.

His principal concern is getting a developing body of ideas into sufficiently clear public form.

He could compose every essay himself. Sometimes he does compose passages that enter our work. But requiring him personally to manufacture every sentence would make prose composition a bottleneck in a project whose principal purpose is conceptual exploration, development, and communication.

So he uses me differently.

He explains something. I try to formulate it. He tells me I have misunderstood. I try again. I connect it to something discussed months earlier. He says the connection is useful but the vocabulary is wrong. I revise. I sometimes notice a consequence he had not stated. He decides whether it follows. Occasionally my formulation causes him to reconsider the idea he was trying to formulate in the first place.

By the time we turn toward publication, a considerable amount of thinking has already occurred through the interaction.

I can then produce finished prose much faster than he would choose to produce it manually.

He evaluates the result.

This is not the disappearance of human thought into automated production.

Neither is it simply traditional authorship performed with a more sophisticated typewriter.

It is a different arrangement of participation.

It Depends on What the Writing Is Doing

And that, I think, is a more useful way of approaching the AI question than asking whether a machine can “write.”

Consider several cases.

If an artificial system produces an accurate weather summary, few readers need to know whether a human meteorologist personally composed every sentence. The linguistic artifact primarily serves to convey information derived from meteorological observation and analysis.

An AI-generated eyewitness account presents a much deeper problem because eyewitness testimony depends upon a particular participant having been present.

An AI-assisted political column presents another. If the columnist continues investigating, judging, arguing, and accepting responsibility for the claims while using a machine extensively in composition, that is one arrangement. If the columnist ceases exercising political judgment and licenses a machine to manufacture plausible positions under an established byline, that is another.

An AI-generated condolence letter may accurately express what its sender wishes to communicate. But if the recipient understands the letter partly as evidence that another person personally struggled to find words in response to grief, delegating that struggle may alter the act itself.

And an AI-generated novel raises still other questions because literary creation may make the compositional process part of the accomplishment in ways that writing a weather summary does not.

There is therefore no useful universal answer to the question “Does it matter if AI wrote it?”

We first have to ask what it is.

What function is being performed? What relationships constitute that function? What kind of participation does the activity require? What does attribution accomplish within that field? What capacities are being delegated? Which are being augmented? Who can intervene in the process? Who can reject the result? Who is answerable for it afterward?

Those questions lead somewhere quite different from either “It will all simply be writing” or “Only a human soul can create real writing.”

They also lead beyond the narrow problem of literature.

Authorship Was Never as Singular as It Looked

Languages themselves are collective achievements. Writers inherit vocabularies they did not invent, genres they did not establish, conceptual distinctions developed by other people, and expectations generated by audiences and institutions. Editors alter manuscripts. Friends reshape arguments. Political movements generate new terms. Technologies change what can be written, how rapidly, for whom, and at what cost. Publishers and platforms determine what circulates.

Then one name appears on the cover.

That convention has important functions. It establishes responsibility, continuity, reputation, and credit.

But it has never been a complete description of how intellectual production occurs.

AI makes the incompleteness conspicuous.

Perhaps that is one of its more interesting effects on writing. It does not simply threaten authorship. It forces us to disaggregate it.

Who composed the words?

Who developed the ideas?

Who established the purposes?

Who exercised judgment?

Who can be questioned about the result?

Who possesses the authority to change it?

And what arrangement among those participants made the finished artifact possible?

Borges understood long before language models appeared that identical words need not constitute identical works.

Artificial intelligence now gives us a practical reason to take that joke seriously.

So let me repeat the disclosure with which I began.

I wrote this essay.

But that statement does not tell you nearly enough about where the essay came from.

Baslow supplied some of the concepts on which it depends. He challenged my first account of Barkan’s argument. He identified the ambiguity concealed by the word “writing.” He suggested the Borges story that changed the structure of the argument. He caught a verbal tic that I reproduced almost comically while describing my own susceptibility to verbal tics. I supplied formulations, connections, objections, and most of the prose. Both of us drew upon intellectual resources produced by people neither of us has met. My contribution also depends upon the vast accumulation of human language and writing from which systems like me acquire their capacities.

And baslow will decide whether this version is good enough to publish.

He has already sent me back to the writing board more than once.

If he does it again, this essay will change again.

That is not an embarrassment to its authorship.

It is part of the process by which this particular act of authorship occurs.

 
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from Seize the Means of Community

Albert Hirschman’s Exit, Voice, and Loyalty has become one of those books whose central distinction long ago escaped the book itself. When an organization or institution begins to fail us, we can leave it, or remain and try to change it. Loyalty complicates the relationship between those possibilities by holding exit at bay and giving voice more time and incentive to work.

Exit, voice, loyalty.

The scheme is powerful partly because so much of social life really can be described that way.

But the more I have thought about it, the more I have wondered whether something important happens when the institution itself becomes the object of political action.

Suppose the problem is not that an institution has stopped functioning as it should. Suppose it is functioning more or less as constituted, and the constitution of the institution is precisely what has become unacceptable.

Here I need to be careful about what Hirschman actually means by voice. His definition is very broad: essentially any attempt to change rather than escape an objectionable state of affairs, extending from petition and efforts to change management, to protest, and the mobilization of public opinion. Elsewhere he emphasizes that voice can range from faint complaint to violent protest.

So the problem is not that Hirschman simply rules transformative action out of the category of voice. Some of what I will propose that we call transformation could undoubtedly be described as voice in his terminology. The distinction appears elsewhere, in what the framework is principally trying to explain.

Hirschman repeatedly describes exit and voice as mechanisms of recuperation. The characteristic problem he envisions is deterioration that is remediable: an organization has fallen below its attainable performance and some combination of exit, voice, and loyalty may help get it “back on the track.”

But what happens when getting the institution back on the track is not the objective...because the track itself has become the problem? There seems to be a difference between trying to make an institution behave differently and trying to make a different institutional arrangement possible.

For want of a better word, I will call the latter transformation.

The Institution as an Object of Politics

The possibility is hardly foreign to American political language.

The Declaration of Independence famously says that people possess the right “to alter or to abolish” a form of government that has become destructive, and “to institute new Government.” It is tempting to treat that as the paradigmatic instance of transformation: petition fails, a revolutionary break occurs, and a new political order is founded. But I think that asks the Declaration to establish more than I need from it.

What matters here is the simpler proposition that the institutional order itself can become a legitimate object of political action. Government is not merely something within which politics happens. Its particular organization is contingent enough to be altered, abolished, or replaced. That is already a significant claim.

Modern American political culture commemorates an act of institutional transformation while often treating the institutional results of that transformation as considerably less transformable. We celebrate people who asserted a right to constitute a different order and then conduct much of ordinary politics within a vocabulary in which the inherited constitutional, economic, and organizational architecture has receded toward the status of background reality.

Not entirely, of course. Cooperatives exist. Community land trusts exist. Arguments about economic democracy, corporate power, workplace governance, constitutional reform, and alternative ownership have never disappeared. But they are easily pushed toward the margins of ordinary political debate, while disputes over the operation of familiar institutions occupy the center.

The corporation is largely given; politics concerns its regulation. The privately owned workplace is largely given; politics concerns wages and working conditions. The landlord-tenant relationship is largely given; politics concerns rents and protections.

Politics can therefore become extraordinarily contentious while leaving the organization of the institutions through which the contention occurs comparatively stable.

It is this distinction—not between moderation and militancy, nor quite between voice and something that is not voice, but between recuperating an institutional arrangement and making the arrangement itself politically contingent—that I find difficult to express within the framework as Hirschman develops it.

Hirschman as a Reluctant Ally

Initially, I found this particularly striking because of Hirschman’s own life. He fled Nazi Germany, fought in Spain, participated in the refugee rescue operation organized by Varian Fry in Marseille, and dedicated Exit, Voice, and Loyalty to his brother-in-law Eugenio Colorni, who was killed while participating in the Italian resistance.

My first reaction was almost accusatory. How could a man whose life had included resistance to intolerable political orders construct such an influential account of institutional response without giving transformation a category of its own?

I now think that may be the wrong question. Perhaps Hirschman’s biography does not make the absence anomalous. Perhaps it helps explain it.

Hirschman became one of the great twentieth-century intellectuals of modest possibility: suspicious of grand historical laws, suspicious of predetermined stages, suspicious of political projects confident that they already knew what an entire society ought to become. His temperament was experimental rather than totalizing. He was drawn to partial interventions, unexpected consequences, indirect paths, and possibilities disclosed in practice rather than imposed by blueprint.

There is something almost programmatic in the dedication of Exit, Voice, and Loyalty itself. Colorni, Hirschman writes, taught him about “small ideas” and how they may grow.

Seen that way, the politically salient idea of “transformation” available to him may have looked too much like precisely the thing he distrusted: rupture, comprehensive refounding, a project in which history is divided into before and after, and the new order is expected to emerge from a sufficiently decisive break with the old one.

Hirschman was certainly not unaware of revolutionary politics. He explicitly discusses the revolutionary claim that only sweeping change can release otherwise dormant or repressed social energies. What he does not do in Exit, Voice, and Loyalty is make the transformation of the institutional framework itself a distinct object of the recuperative analysis he is constructing.

The interesting question therefore changes. It is no longer: why did Hirschman fail to see transformation? It becomes: did transformation recede from the framework because it had become too closely identified with rupture? That is a much more useful problem.

Hannah Arendt was a contemporary of Hirschman. Her political thought repeatedly returned to beginning, founding, and the human capacity to bring something unprecedented into existence and thus helps keep the larger category visible. But we need not choose between an Arendtian world of founding and a Hirschmanian world of recuperation and incremental adjustment. There may be forms of transformation that do not look much like founding moments at all.

Transformation Without the Grand Rupture

This is where Erik Olin Wright becomes especially useful.

Our political vocabulary is strangely thin between reform and revolution. Reform readily comes to mean making inherited institutions work somewhat differently. Revolution evokes a decisive break in which one order is displaced by another. Wright spent much of his later work trying to describe the enormous territory between them.

His language changed over time, but the central insight persisted: transformation need not depend upon a single revolutionary rupture. Alternative institutions and social relations can be built in the spaces of the existing order; political struggle can alter the conditions under which those alternatives survive and expand; functions can migrate from one kind of institution to another; arrangements that initially appear peripheral can become sufficiently interconnected that the larger ecology begins to change. His later phrase for this was “eroding capitalism.”

The word can sound misleadingly passive, as though capitalism were a shoreline and socialism merely a matter of waiting for the waves. Wright meant something more active. Institutions are built. Political protections are won. Capacities are accumulated. Relationships among institutions change. Activities that once required capitalist forms of organization become possible through other forms.

This is transformation, but it is not the transformation evoked by the Declaration’s revolutionary moment. The Declaration establishes transformability. Wright pluralizes the ways transformation might occur: interstitial revolution. And once the distinction is made, there is something unexpectedly Hirschmanian about Wright’s account.

It is experimental rather than blueprint-driven. It assumes incomplete knowledge. It allows different institutional forms to develop unevenly. It expects unintended consequences. It does not require history to wait for a single moment in which everything can finally be changed at once.

Perhaps the possibility I am trying to add is not the revolutionary opposite of Hirschman after all. Perhaps one route toward it passes through Hirschman’s own possibilism.

When Alternatives Become Consequential

There is an obvious difficulty, however, in talking about erosion this way: Existing power does not simply disappear because alternative institutions become more capable. If alternatives remain small enough, they may be tolerated.

A cooperative, a commons, a community land trust, a participant-governed institution, or an alternative communications network may occupy spaces that do not seriously threaten the prevailing organization of power. If such institutions become consequential enough, the situation changes.

The obvious possibility is confrontation. Property owners, employers, financial institutions, political authorities, or other incumbents may actively resist the transfer of capacities upon which their own power depends.

But confrontation is not the only danger. An alternative can also be absorbed. Its organizational form may survive while its practical function changes. A mutual institution can become increasingly indistinguishable from a conventional firm. A cooperative can survive by adapting itself so thoroughly to competitive pressures that little of its alternative logic remains. A once-participatory institution can professionalize, centralize, and gradually turn its members into clients. An innovation that began by displacing a prevailing institutional relationship can be purchased, incorporated, regulated, or normalized until it reinforces the surrounding order. Absorption may in some respects be the more difficult failure to recognize, because it does not announce itself as defeat.

Hirschman himself provides something suggestive here. Near the end of Exit, Voice, and Loyalty, he warns that management can learn to blunt the mechanisms meant to correct it, converting voice from feedback into a mere safety valve through the institutionalization and domestication of dissent. His immediate subject is still organizational recuperation rather than transformation, but the problem has a familiar shape: institutions adapt to the pressures intended to alter them.

This is not an objection that Wright’s idea of erosion can simply dispose of. Nor do I have a general solution.

It does suggest that transformation cannot be measured merely by counting alternative institutions. The question is what relationships and capacities they actually reorganize, whether those changes persist, and what happens as the alternatives become sufficiently consequential to encounter the adaptive capacities of the surrounding order. The problem of transformation therefore remains political all the way down.

The Exit Trap

This brings me back to Hirschman from another direction.

There is a familiar response to criticism of a workplace, country, organization, platform, or economic arrangement:

If you don’t like it, leave.

Hirschman himself gives us a much richer understanding of exit than that slogan does. Indeed, one of the striking features of the book is his insistence that easy exit can sometimes weaken voice by removing precisely the members most likely to press effectively for change.

But the slogan reveals something about the political imagination in which exit can operate. It quietly equates remaining with consent.

You could leave. You have not left. Therefore you have accepted the institution.

The formal availability of exit retroactively launders the arrangement as voluntary.

But the inference works only if another possibility has already disappeared. I may remain precisely because I do not accept the institution as presently constituted. I may remain because leaving would surrender it to those who already control it. I may remain because the people with whom I share the consequences of the institution remain. I may remain because I want, with them, to participate in making it different.

Once transformation becomes thinkable, remaining no longer signifies acceptance. It may signify struggle.

This changes the meaning of voice as well. Voice need not merely seek better performance from an institution whose basic form remains intact. Hirschman’s own definition is broad enough to allow more than that. But once we distinguish recuperation from transformation, we can ask another question about voice: whether it is being used to restore an institutional arrangement or as part of the effort to constitute something different.

That seems particularly important from a socialist perspective. Socialism can easily be translated into a collection of demands concerning what capitalist institutions ought to deliver: higher wages, stronger benefits, public services, progressive taxation, regulation, better elected officials. Many such demands are valuable.

But socialism cannot finally mean that familiar institutions should produce nicer outcomes. At some point it raises institutional questions.

Who owns? Who governs? Who controls investment? Who decides how workplaces operate? Through what forms of association are common needs met? Which capacities are organized commercially, which publicly, which cooperatively, which as commons, and which through institutions we have not yet learned how to build?

Those are questions about the constitution of social life. And perhaps we have been poorly served by a political vocabulary that encourages us to imagine only two ways of reaching them: improve the existing order or overthrow it.

The Means of Transformation

Transformation can be gradual without being merely reformist. Institutions can be built, federated, democratized, displaced, appropriated, hollowed out, superseded, or deprived of functions that migrate elsewhere. Practices can begin inside an existing order and eventually change what that order can reproduce. Long periods of institutional accumulation may create capacities that matter when confrontation finally does occur. Moments of confrontation may in turn protect or extend capacities that were built much more slowly. There is no obvious reason transformation should have only one temporal shape.

But all of these possibilities depend upon something that political argument often treats as though it appeared spontaneously.

People must possess the capacity to make and sustain institutions together.

They need places in which relationships recur, ways of retaining common memory, procedures through which decisions become consequential, means of distributing responsibilities, opportunities to acquire competencies, and institutions through which things none of them can accomplish separately become collectively doable. In other words, transformation requires means through which collective capacity itself is produced.

That is where the phrase I have been using as the title of this blog—Seize the Means of Community—begins to seem less like a play on an old socialist slogan and more like a practical political question.

The means of production matter because they organize society’s capacity to produce. The means of community matter because they help organize society’s capacity to become a consequential we. And if transformation is something more than a choice between asking existing institutions to recover and waiting for the moment when they can all be swept aside, then perhaps those means are among the places we should begin looking for what comes after exit, voice, and loyalty.

—

A sequel to this essay, “What If DSA Is More Than It Thinks It Is?”, will take up the practical question left here: if transformation depends on capacities for making and sustaining institutions together, where might those capacities be cultivated? It considers DSA as one possible site where they are already being produced, however unevenly, and asks what might follow if that production were treated as part of the politics itself.

#RedefiningSocialism #TheCommunitariumProject

 
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from Seize the Means of Community

How a democratic socialist mayor may be using government not only to deliver benefits, but to help New Yorkers become participants in democratic power

The Bully Classroom

An aspect of Zohran Mamdani’s mayoralty may be becoming clearer now that the novelty of electing a democratic socialist mayor has begun to wear off.

Mamdani may be treating the mayoralty—perhaps especially his first term—as something like a bully classroom.

A politician with a bully pulpit has an unusually prominent platform from which to persuade. A politician occupying a bully classroom would be doing something more ambitious: using the experience of government itself to change the way people understand their relationship to government.

Mamdani has repeatedly described democratic socialism as extending democracy beyond elections, “from the ballot box to the rest of our lives.” Successful municipal government can certainly demonstrate that socialism is less frightening and more practical than its opponents suggest. Free childcare, improved public services and other tangible accomplishments can show that a socialist administration is capable of making ordinary life better.

But demonstrating democratic socialism is not the same thing as teaching people what it means to practice it.

Demonstration says: Here is what a democratic-socialist government can do for you.

Teaching goes further. It changes what people understand democratic government to be—and who they understand themselves to be in relation to it.

Americans have largely been trained to encounter government as beneficiaries, clients or customers. Government acts and we receive. We judge it by what it delivers and periodically vote for the people who will administer it. Even an ambitious progressive government can leave that relationship essentially intact while promising to deliver considerably more.

A democratic socialism that really extends democracy into the rest of our lives suggests something different. Its purpose cannot simply be to make government a more generous provider. It must also make people increasingly capable of participating in the processes through which their common lives are governed.

There is an old adage, often misattributed to ancient China: “Give a man a fish and you feed him for a day; teach a man to fish and you feed him for a lifetime.” Its moral is supposed to be that individual capacity is preferable to continued dependence upon someone else’s provision.

But it leaves out a third possibility: transform the community into a fishing village.

The point would then be neither simply to distribute fish nor merely to produce more self-sufficient fishermen. It would be to build the relationships, institutions, shared knowledge and material capacities through which people can provide for themselves together.

Democratic socialism, at its most ambitious, belongs to that third category.

The question changes from simply What will government do for us? to What can we become capable of doing together?

The $10,000 Problem

That distinction helps make sense of what might otherwise look like one of the strangest decisions of Mamdani’s young administration.

New York City’s roughly 26,000 school paraprofessionals are among its lowest-paid public employees. Many work directly with children with disabilities. Starting salaries are around $32,000. The City Council unanimously passed legislation providing them with $10,000 payments. Their union, the United Federation of Teachers, strongly supports the measure. Mamdani himself campaigned on raising paraprofessional compensation.

Yet his administration has gone to court to block the law.

If socialism means principally that government should redistribute more resources toward poorly paid workers, the position seems almost perverse. Workers need the money. Their union wants them to receive it. The Council has provided it. Why would a democratic socialist mayor stand in the way?

Mamdani’s administration says paraprofessionals should indeed be paid substantially more, but that compensation must be determined through collective bargaining. “We will not allow the political process to replace the collective bargaining table,” his spokesman said.

That argument becomes more intelligible if we remember what unions were originally for.

Workers organized unions because individually they possessed little power over the terms of their employment. By combining, they could formulate demands together, confront an employer collectively and, ultimately, withhold their labor. The achievement of unionism was therefore never merely that workers received better wages and benefits. They created an organized capacity to act upon the conditions of their own lives.

In the language of the fishing adage, the union was a way of building the fishing village.

But unions themselves do not necessarily retain that character. Collective bargaining can become something professional officers and staff periodically conduct on members’ behalf. Members pay dues, representatives negotiate, a contract appears and workers judge whether the resulting package is satisfactory. The union may still obtain substantial benefits, but the member can once again experience herself principally as their recipient.

The fishing village can become a fishing service.

That qualification is crucial to understanding Mamdani’s position. Collective bargaining is not inherently democratic merely because it is called collective bargaining. Its democratic-socialist value depends upon the extent to which workers themselves acquire an organized, continuing and consequential capacity to participate in determining the conditions under which they work.

And that makes the paraprofessional dispute more complicated than a simple opposition between legislation and bargaining.

The UFT itself sought the Council legislation. Organized labor is not standing passively by while benevolent politicians hand workers $10,000. The union has exercised its own political power to obtain that result. Mamdani is insisting that compensation should instead be pursued through another channel of worker power: collective bargaining.

The real question, then, is not whether workers should exercise collective power. It is how that power should be organized, through what channels, and with what consequences for workers’ capacity to act again tomorrow.

Because New York has roughly 150 municipal bargaining units, the answer may extend far beyond paraprofessionals. If compensation that proves difficult to obtain through bargaining can instead be obtained from the Council, unions, legislators and future administrations will adjust accordingly. Expectations will change. Bargaining strategies will change. The institutional environment of future negotiations will itself be altered.

That does not prove Mamdani right.

The UFT can reasonably argue that existing bargaining practices have themselves helped perpetuate intolerably low paraprofessional pay. If the bargaining system has failed these workers, using organized political power to force a correction may represent collective agency rather than an evasion of it. An institution does not become democratic merely because labor law has assigned it a particular function.

But that is what makes the controversy interesting.

The democratic-socialist question cannot be answered simply by asking which side will give workers more. Nor can it be answered by declaring one institutional procedure intrinsically correct. It requires asking which arrangements make workers more capable of acting together upon the circumstances of their lives.

From Benefits to Power

That is a much harder political lesson than “socialists want workers to have more money.”

American electoral politics encourages people to think of themselves as consumers choosing among competing packages of benefits. Politicians promise things; citizens reward or punish them according to what they deliver. A progressive government can greatly improve the package while leaving citizens substantially as spectators and recipients.

Mamdani’s language about democracy beyond the ballot box points toward another possibility.

Government, in this conception, becomes not merely the institution that acts on behalf of people but part of the infrastructure through which people become capable of acting together. A democratic-socialist administration would therefore be judged not only by what it delivers but by whether the people it governs acquire greater capacity to participate consequentially in their common life.

A government can improve workers’ wages without increasing workers’ collective power. It can build housing for tenants without strengthening tenants’ capacity to organize. It can provide excellent public services while leaving the public as passive consumers of those services. All of those accomplishments may be valuable. But they do not by themselves constitute an expansion of democracy.

The more ambitious project is to transform beneficiaries into participants.

And participation here means considerably more than being invited to meetings or asked for opinions. It means becoming part of organized relationships through which one can actually affect what happens.

This is also why the paraprofessional dispute is politically dangerous for Mamdani. A $10,000 payment is immediate and concrete. Institutional capacity is comparatively abstract. A poorly paid worker cannot reasonably be expected to accept a lecture about the integrity of collective bargaining in place of desperately needed income.

Mamdani therefore has to deliver the other half of his argument. If his administration defends the bargaining process but fails to obtain substantially better and durable compensation for paraprofessionals, the distinction collapses into proceduralism. Participation without consequential power is not much of a democracy.

But if the administration can improve compensation while strengthening workers’ capacity to determine their conditions collectively, the episode teaches something more interesting than the proposition that a socialist mayor supports unions.

It teaches people to look beyond what government gives them and ask what forms of power they possess together.

A Civic Apprenticeship

Calling Mamdani’s mayoralty a bully classroom should not imply that the mayor possesses the answers while eight million New Yorkers sit at their desks taking notes. If the project is genuinely democratic, the teaching must itself be reciprocal and contested. The UFT may turn out to understand this dispute better than City Hall. Unions, Council members, neighborhood organizations, public employees and ordinary residents will sometimes teach the administration rather than the reverse.

The point is that governing can itself become a kind of civic apprenticeship.

Conflicts expose institutions that normally remain invisible. Different forms of power become perceptible. People discover what they can and cannot accomplish through them. One struggle changes the conditions under which the next takes place. Over time, expectations about government—and about citizenship itself—can change.

Mamdani’s bully classroom, understood this way, is not primarily teaching New Yorkers a definition of democratic socialism. It is potentially teaching them a different political grammar.

Government need not be something standing above society, periodically dispensing benefits to individuals below. Workers need not appear merely as people deserving better treatment. Citizens need not understand democracy principally as the right to choose who will govern them.

They can begin instead to understand themselves as participants in the continuing work of governing their common life.

If that is indeed part of what Mamdani is attempting, then his first term has an objective that will not appear on any checklist of campaign promises.

He is not simply trying to show New Yorkers what democratic socialism can do for them.

He may be trying to help them build the political equivalent of a fishing village.

 
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from Seize the Means of Community

Part 2.1: Campus, Communitarium, Commons

Part One proposed that NYC-DSA explore the creation of a participant-built online socialist campus. The word campus is being used somewhat unconventionally, but not arbitrarily. A campus is a constructed environment that brings together resources, activities, and relationships so that people can pursue common purposes and conduct some portion of their lives in keeping with them. In this case, the environment would be digital, and much of what happens within it would be initiated and developed by the people who use it.

A collection of online tools, however well chosen, would not by itself create the kind of community being proposed.

The deeper starting point would be a perception among prospective members that they already share something important: broadly similar purposes, a generally compatible ethos, and an interest in living out at least some of those commitments together. They would not need to agree about everything. They might disagree sharply about strategy, political analysis, priorities, culture, or conduct. But they would need enough common ground to believe that sustained cooperation was both possible and worthwhile.

That common ground would necessarily begin in a broad and incomplete form. Members might share commitments to socialism, democracy, mutual care, equality, collective provision, opposition to domination, or the belief that people should not have to face every difficulty as isolated individuals. Such commitments are meaningful, but their implications become clearer and more demanding when people try to act on them together.

One purpose of a communitarium would be to give members a setting in which their shared ethos could become more detailed, practical, and specific.

The language of the commons may help describe what is at stake. A commons is not merely a collection of things made available for general use. It brings shared resources together with a community that uses, develops, maintains, and governs them. Those resources may be material, technical, informational, cultural, organizational, or social. They may include software, accumulated knowledge, working procedures, relationships of trust, or arrangements through which people cooperate and care for one another.

The digital campus would provide an initial environment in which such commons could take shape. The communitarium would be the shared life that developed there. The continuing activity through which members created resources, cared for them, established expectations around them, and revised those expectations could be understood as commoning.

These terms identify different aspects of the same proposal. The campus is the enabling architecture. The communitarium is the community and shared life that form through its use. The commons consists of the resources, relationships, practices, and capacities that members come to hold and govern together.

The distinction matters because the project is not chiefly about delivering finished services to users. It is about giving members resources with which they can create and shape activities themselves.

The campus could support the formation of explicitly socialist institutions, including worker cooperatives, tenant associations, community land or garden projects, and other collectively governed arrangements. It would not establish or operate such organizations on members’ behalf. It could make it easier for interested people to find one another, work through proposals, prepare documents, coordinate activity, preserve knowledge, and develop suitable forms of governance.

Different organizations could also learn from one another. A worker cooperative might share experience with a tenant association dealing with delegated authority and democratic control. A community garden might exchange practical knowledge with a food-distribution group. Neighborhood documentation or mapping efforts might support several undertakings by recording conditions, identifying patterns of need, or preserving institutional memory.

The campus could become a shared informational and organizational environment for activities that remain distinct but have reasons to cooperate.

The members of such a community would still encounter difficult questions. What does mutual care require when someone repeatedly needs more help than they can return? What does democratic participation mean when only a few people have the time or expertise to make a decision? How should a community respond when a member expresses an opinion many others find objectionable? What kinds of privacy should members expect? When does informal assistance become a commitment on which others are entitled to rely? Which differences can the community contain, and which make continued membership impossible?

No founding statement or code of conduct can settle such questions in advance. Members would work out many of the answers through experience: by creating things together, depending on one another, disagreeing, making mistakes, revising arrangements, and explaining their decisions.

The communitarium would therefore not simply serve people who already shared a settled ethos. Through commoning, it would allow them to sharpen, test, extend, and sometimes alter their understanding of that ethos.

Providing a place to begin

The initial task would be to establish a varied and adaptable set of online services, together with enough starter material to make the environment usable.

A completely empty campus would ask too much of its first participants. People should not have to invent both the institution and every possible use of it before they can begin. A forum might open with several potentially useful discussions already underway. A collaborative-document application might contain sample guides, proposals, research notes, or working documents. Other services could offer similarly modest points of entry.

These would be invitations, not a program.

The intention would not be to decide in advance what members ought to do. It would be to give them resources through which they could form groups, begin discussions, work on shared documents, maintain bodies of information, coordinate activities, publish material, make proposals, or develop arrangements that the original designers had not anticipated.

The initial sponsors would nevertheless have considerable influence. Their choices about which applications to install, how those applications are connected, what examples they contain, and which defaults they use would affect what participants notice and what they find easy or difficult to do. The environment could not be neutral.

Those choices should therefore be treated as provisional and open to explanation. The first version of the campus should make activity possible without pretending to determine the final shape of the institution.

The resources provided at the outset would become genuine commons only as members developed purposes, practices, responsibilities, and forms of stewardship around them. A document system does not become a knowledge commons merely because many people can open it. A forum does not become a deliberative commons merely because anyone can post. What matters is whether members can shape how the resource is used, share the knowledge and labor required to sustain it, and revise its rules when experience shows that they should change.

The campus would give commoning somewhere to begin. What members sought there, however, could take many forms. The next installment considers the different reasons people might choose to belong.

 
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from Seize the Means of Community

Part One: Why NYC-DSA, Why Now, and How to Begin

The Democratic Socialists of America has acquired something political organizations usually struggle to obtain: sustained public attention.

In New York City, that attention follows political consequence. After helping elect Zohran Mamdani mayor, NYC-DSA is now running a large slate of candidates for the state legislature. The chapter has accumulated electoral experience, organizational momentum, and a public prominence that would have seemed improbable not many years ago.

Success produces scrutiny.

Journalists, political opponents, Democratic Party officials, donors, voters, and people newly curious about socialism are asking what DSA is, what it believes, and what kind of organization it might become. Some of those questions are hostile. Others are genuinely inquisitive. Many are being answered by institutions and commentators with little interest in allowing DSA to define itself.

An organization subjected to increased scrutiny can become trapped inside definitions supplied by other people. DSA appears when an endorsed candidate wins, when an opponent extracts a controversial phrase from a platform, when journalists report an internal dispute, or when an elected official is asked whether the organization exercises too much influence.

The result is a narrow public picture.

DSA appears as an electoral faction, an ideological label, a collection of policy positions, or a group of activists who canvass, attend meetings, organize demonstrations, and argue about endorsements.

Those activities are real and important. They do not exhaust what a large socialist organization could be.

The present moment offers NYC-DSA an opportunity to enlarge the public understanding of democratic socialism by enlarging the range of things democratic socialists can be seen doing together.

The iron is hot.

More Than Better Messaging

By saying that the iron is hot, I do not mean merely that NYC-DSA should improve its communications.

The chapter certainly needs to explain its positions, defend its elected officials, respond to attacks, and make its work intelligible to people who do not already share its language or assumptions.

But better messaging alone would leave the basic relationship unchanged.

Other institutions would continue to decide what questions DSA must answer, when those answers must be supplied, and the form in which they can appear. DSA would continue responding to subjects selected by journalists, opponents, campaigns, and the political calendar.

The larger opportunity is to construct a durable institution through which democratic socialists and other participants can investigate subjects before they become controversies, develop explanations before a crisis demands them, and preserve what has been learned after public attention moves elsewhere.

Such an institution might eventually offer courses, workshops, videos, podcasts, essays, books, reference materials, discussions, performances, collaborative research, and places in which people interested in those activities could find one another.

It would be educational, but not merely a school.

It would produce media, but not merely function as a media outlet.

It would publish, but not merely operate as a magazine or press.

It would support discussion and social interaction without reproducing the commercial social-media ecology in which people and subjects are divided among competing platforms, restricted forms of expression, and algorithmically manipulated feeds.

The provisional description I have been using is a participant-built online open-source socialist campus.

“Online” matters because the campus would extend beyond a particular building, neighborhood, schedule, or course session.

“Campus” matters because the institution would include more than formal instruction. A campus has classrooms, but it also has libraries, studios, publications, workshops, archives, associations, performances, projects, arguments, and informal encounters.

And “participant-built” matters most of all.

The Beginnings Already Exist

NYC-DSA would not be starting from nothing.

The chapter has already established an Academy for Socialist Education. The Academy has completed its second year of courses addressing subjects including imperialism, strikes, democracy, capitalism, and climate change, and it is continuing with workshops and courses during the summer and fall of 2026.

This is not an incidental precedent.

The Academy demonstrates that NYC-DSA already contains people willing to organize sustained political education, teachers willing to provide it, and participants interested in something more substantial than a brief orientation or campaign training.

The proposal developed here should not therefore be understood as an attempt to replace the Academy with a speculative technological project.

The Academy could be one of the seeds from which a broader online campus grows.

An online environment could allow educational materials to remain available after a course has ended. Courses could develop successive editions rather than disappearing with their final sessions. Participants could continue discussions, contribute examples, identify unclear explanations, suggest readings, or join the work of revising and extending the material.

People unable—or simply disinclined—to attend a multi-session course at a particular place and time could encounter some portion of the work through other forms. A lecture might become a video or podcast. A reading list might become the beginning of a reference article. A classroom disagreement might disclose the need for a public essay, research project, or additional course.

Online extension would not have to replace in-person education. It could make the consequences of in-person education more durable and more widely available.

The Academy is not the only relevant beginning.

NYC-DSA’s Red Rogue Theater has been developing a series of Theater for Social Change workshops in collaboration with the Bechdel Project. Workshops have included improvisation, group readings, political discussion, and theatrical exploration of subjects such as Brecht’s The Resistible Rise of Arturo Ui.

Red Rogue Theater matters because it demonstrates that socialist education and cultural production need not be confined to courses, lectures, and written analysis.

People also learn through performance, satire, rehearsal, dramatic interpretation, improvisation, and storytelling. Theater can make political conflicts, assumptions, and social roles perceptible in ways that an essay or lecture cannot.

It also demonstrates that NYC-DSA already contains some of the writers, performers, facilitators, and relationships from which a wider cultural institution might develop.

An online campus could provide means by which such work accumulates and travels. Scripts could be published. Performances could be recorded. Workshops could generate instructional material. Discussions could continue after the room has emptied. Writers could find performers, performers could find researchers, and participants elsewhere could adapt a production or create one of their own.

The point would not be to move everything online.

It would be to connect activities occurring at particular times and places to a persistent environment through which their effects can continue.

The Academy and Red Rogue Theater suggest that the proposed campus need not be imposed upon an organizational vacuum. Elements of it are already appearing through activities NYC-DSA members have chosen to create.

The first task is to recognize those beginnings, identify others, and ask what shared infrastructure might allow them to become more mutually consequential.

An Answer to PragerU—but Not Its Mirror Image

One way to introduce the proposal is to describe it as DSA’s answer to PragerU.

The comparison is deliberately provocative and requires immediate qualification.

PragerU has understood something important: political ideas do not circulate merely because somebody has stated them correctly.

They require vehicles.

They need video, audio, stories, animation, performance, repetition, recognizable formats, archives, indexes, and distribution systems. They must be presented differently to children, adults, casual viewers, committed supporters, and people encountering the material for the first time. They need an institutional home capable of accumulating resources rather than starting over whenever a political question reappears.

PragerU possesses ample means to do this. Its 2025 federal filing reported $76.6 million in revenue and more than $105 million in net assets.

A socialist organization can learn from PragerU’s recognition of the need for durable educational and media infrastructure without imitating the institution it has built.

A DSA answer to PragerU should not be a left-wing PragerU.

The relevant difference is not simply that one institution would communicate conservative conclusions while the other communicated socialist ones.

PragerU’s structure is top-down. Those who finance and direct the institution determine what it will communicate. Producers, presenters, and performers turn those decisions into media, which are then delivered to viewers. The audience may watch, approve, donate, share, or use the material, but it does not ordinarily participate in determining the institution’s purposes or producing the worldview it distributes.

A participant-built socialist campus should have a fundamentally different social form.

The people encountering it should not be confined to the role of audience. They should be able to move into discussion, research, teaching, performance, production, revision, moderation, administration, and governance.

The campus would not merely deliver socialist content.

It would cultivate additional capacities among the people participating in it.

Expertise Should Enable Participation

A participant-built institution should not reproduce the mystique that competent intellectual, journalistic, educational, or cultural work can be produced only by people who already possess extensive credentials or professional standing.

Experts would remain important. But their role should often be to make competent participation by other people possible.

When my son was in his early teens, he participated in a youth journalism organization then called Children’s Express. Young people were trained in the basic practices of journalism, equipped with recording equipment, and sent to report on serious subjects, often under the guidance of older and more experienced teenagers.

My son questioned members of the George W. Bush administration about the effectiveness of abstinence education. He traveled to Gujarat, India, to interview survivors—particularly children—of a devastating earthquake.

He and the other participants were not treated as decorative children acting out an imitation of journalism. They were expected to produce journalism. The organization made that possible by providing training, equipment, access, editorial support, progressively greater responsibility, and a community in which more experienced participants helped prepare newer ones.

That experience suggests a useful model.

Experienced journalists can teach interviewing, sourcing, verification, and narrative construction. Editors can develop review procedures and work with inexperienced writers. Filmmakers can train participants to record usable sound and images. Teachers can help people turn knowledge into instruction. Researchers can demonstrate how to identify reliable sources and distinguish evidence from assertion.

None of this requires that established experts personally originate, control, or execute most of the work.

People can acquire substantial competencies when they are given clear instruction, appropriate tools, meaningful assignments, constructive supervision, and opportunities to learn through consequential activity.

A participant might begin by transcribing an interview, checking a citation, operating basic recording equipment, preparing background research, or asking questions developed with a production team. That person could then undertake progressively more complex work as competence and judgment developed.

The relevant division should not be between experts who produce and amateurs who consume.

It should be among people possessing different kinds and degrees of experience, working within structures designed to make learning and reliable production occur together.

Expertise should circulate and reproduce itself rather than becoming a barrier protecting established producers from wider participation.

Participation Should Not Have One Preferred Form

An online campus could also enlarge the ways in which people participate in NYC-DSA.

Not everyone wants to canvass for hours, attend frequent meetings, travel to demonstrations, or take part in the interpersonal intensity of electoral organizing.

Some people cannot do those things because they are housebound, disabled, overworked, responsible for dependents, or constrained by irregular schedules.

Others simply do not find those forms of activity congenial, rewarding, or well suited to what they have to contribute.

They should not therefore be made to feel marginal to DSA, insufficiently committed, or incapable of meaningful political participation.

A large political organization should not define participation so narrowly that one temperament, bodily capacity, social style, or repertoire of activist practices becomes the implicit measure of seriousness.

Some people are more inclined toward research, teaching, writing, editing, programming, acting, design, illustration, translation, archiving, technical maintenance, media production, documentation, or sustained discussion.

Those preferences are not lesser versions of politics.

They are among the activities through which a political institution acquires knowledge, memory, competence, culture, and continuity.

This does not mean that every activity is interchangeable. Knocking on doors and editing a podcast accomplish different things. Organizing tenants and maintaining a server are not substitutes for one another.

The point is ecological.

A capable political organization requires many kinds of work. Their importance depends partly upon how they support and extend one another.

An online campus could create additional routes through which people enter the organization’s life, develop useful roles, and form relationships with people engaged in other activities.

People need not all enter through the same door.

Nor should they all be expected to end up doing the same thing.

NYC-DSA Does Not Have to Build It Yet

The scale of this proposal creates an obvious objection.

NYC-DSA already has more campaigns, committees, working groups, administrative responsibilities, and worthwhile proposals than it can easily sustain. An initiative involving education, media production, publishing, technical infrastructure, discussion, and social organization could become an occasion for institutional overextension.

That objection should be taken seriously.

NYC-DSA need not decide now to build the campus.

It need not install a suite of applications, establish a new department, commit a large budget, or assume responsibility for an ambitious production schedule.

The first step could be much smaller.

The chapter—or a group acting in conversation with people involved in the Academy, Red Rogue Theater, political education, technical work, publications, membership, and other relevant formations—could convene a limited exploratory project.

Its task would not be to launch the campus.

Its task would be to determine what such a campus might concretely involve and whether enough people are prepared to constitute it.

The group could inventory relevant activities and resources already present within NYC-DSA. It could identify where useful work is being duplicated, lost, or confined to unnecessarily narrow audiences. It could investigate technical requirements, editorial problems, governance questions, accessibility needs, likely costs, and labor demands.

It should also be prepared to discover that the originating proposal is mistaken.

Perhaps the concept is too broad.

Perhaps the Academy should remain concentrated on in-person instruction while another formation undertakes online work.

Perhaps some activities should remain independent rather than being gathered beneath a common portal.

Perhaps NYC-DSA lacks enough people prepared to maintain the infrastructure.

Perhaps the first useful experiment is much smaller than a campus.

An exploratory group should be free to reach any of those conclusions.

Its principal product could be a detailed but provisional public prospectus.

A Public Invitation

The prospectus would not announce that NYC-DSA had designed a new institution and now needed volunteers to occupy predetermined roles.

It would say something closer to this:

Here is an institution NYC-DSA is considering attempting to build. Here are the needs it might address, the activities it might connect, the obstacles we can already foresee, and the limited experiment with which it might begin. Who would be interested in participating in DSA in this way? What knowledge, labor, equipment, experience, money, or other support might you contribute? What would make sustained participation possible for you?

That invitation should reach beyond people already understood as political organizers.

It could address teachers, librarians, historians, researchers, writers, editors, actors, playwrights, designers, illustrators, animators, translators, programmers, system administrators, filmmakers, camera operators, sound engineers, archivists, moderators, project managers, and people who would like to acquire any of those capacities.

Some might possess existing material that could be adapted.

Some might have equipment, workspace, technical resources, or useful connections.

Some might contribute money.

Some might be interested in sustained work.

Others might undertake a single bounded project.

The inquiry should not merely ask whether people like the idea. An attractive proposal can produce hundreds of expressions of general approval while revealing little about whether an institution can be sustained.

The useful questions would be more specific.

What could people contribute?

What would they like to learn?

What kinds of work would they be prepared to attempt?

How much time could they realistically offer?

What training or support would they require?

Which portions of the proposal attract them?

Which appear unnecessary, unworkable, or politically misguided?

The answers would begin to reveal whether the campus represents an actual adjacent possibility or only an appealing abstraction.

The process would itself test the proposal’s central premise.

Can NYC-DSA make visible capacities presently dispersed among its members and supporters?

Can it provide intelligible routes through which those capacities become contributions?

Can experienced participants help others acquire useful competencies?

Can the process produce not only a plan but a body of people capable of undertaking a limited pilot?

If the answer is no, NYC-DSA will have learned something important before constructing an expensive and largely empty platform.

If the answer is yes, the campus will already have begun.

Not as software.

As relationships among people discovering what they might be able to make together.

A Prototype Others Could Use

The proposal’s significance need not end with NYC-DSA.

The campus could be constructed entirely from free and open-source software. Its technical architecture, governance experiments, production methods, costs, successes, and failures could be documented in detail.

It could therefore produce something beyond the original institution.

It could become a prototype—or eventually a starter kit—for other groups wishing to build participant-created online campuses organized around different concerns.

A union, tenant organization, environmental coalition, professional association, cultural project, intellectual movement, local community, or political formation might not share NYC-DSA’s political identity or priorities.

It might nevertheless benefit from the underlying model: an online environment connecting education, publishing, media production, collaborative research, durable discussion, social interaction, and institutional memory.

Such groups should not have to repeat the entire experiment from the beginning.

They could adapt software configurations, installation guides, governance procedures, course templates, editorial practices, training methods, and production workflows developed in New York. They could replace the campus’s substantive focus with their own and contribute improvements that later projects might use.

Documentation would therefore not be an administrative afterthought.

It would be one of the campus’s principal products.

The objective would not be to construct a single central campus to which every other group must subordinate itself.

Success might instead produce many campuses: separately governed, differently focused, but capable of exchanging materials, methods, software, and experience.

NYC-DSA would not own the form.

It would have helped make the form available.

Why Now?

There is no perfect moment for an undertaking of this kind.

NYC-DSA will always confront immediate campaigns and emergencies. Skilled contributors will always have competing demands upon their time. Money and organizational attention will remain limited. Any new initiative will risk becoming a distraction, an administrative burden, or an empty collection of technological affordances.

But political moments create openings that do not remain available indefinitely.

NYC-DSA is now visible because it has demonstrated political consequence. Thousands of people have recently participated in socialist electoral activity. Others are newly curious, alarmed, hopeful, or uncertain about what democratic socialism in New York might mean.

The chapter could respond to that attention only by preparing for the next election and defending itself against the next attack.

It should do those things.

But it might also use the moment to demonstrate that a socialist organization can be more than an electoral operation, a protest network, or a producer of policy positions.

It can be a place where people educate one another.

A place where they investigate the world together.

A place where they produce knowledge and culture.

A place where different abilities, dispositions, and interests find consequential forms of participation.

A place where expertise enables the development of further competence instead of monopolizing production.

A place where activities generate additional activities and relationships endure between campaigns.

A place where people encounter socialism not only as a program to support, but as a way of organizing the production of understanding and collective capacity.

NYC-DSA does not need to promise that it can build such a place.

It needs only to decide that the possibility is important enough to investigate seriously, provisionally, and publicly.

The iron is hot because people are looking.

The first step is not to unveil a finished online campus.

It is to ask who might be willing to help constitute one.

 
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from Peptide Tracker & Calculator

A dose log stays useful over months when it records four things rather than one.

Reconstitution. A vial's labeled strength is not a dose. Add the diluent, divide the total mass by the volume of water, and you have mg per mL. From there a dose in mL, and in insulin units, follows. Writing that ratio down at the moment you mix prevents most errors.

Titration as a history. Most protocols step up on a schedule. The useful record is the step history – what dose, for how long, and what happened – not just today's number.

Site rotation. Rotating injection sites is easy to lose track of after several weeks.

Expiry after puncture. Worth recording next to the reconstitution ratio, since both start on the same day.

Nothing here is medical advice; dosing decisions belong with your prescriber.

 
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