Seize the Means of Community

Schmoozalism


1. From Mamdani to Schmoozalism

In writing about Zohran Mamdani’s campaign, we introduced the term schmoozalism to describe the radical etiquette that animated his appeal. Here we want to step back and spell out more broadly what we mean by the word.

Crucially: schmoozalism is not socialism itself. It is the ethos in which socialism can grow naturally. Without this soil, socialism may sprout in programs or policies, but it withers under pressure — reversible, co-optable, thin. With this soil, socialism develops as the fruit of ensemble practice: resilient, lived, and deeply rooted.

Schmoozalism is best understood by its contrasts. It stands in opposition to Randian objectivism, which exalts the isolated heroic self. It opposes managerialism, the philosophy that reduces all human relation to systems of control, optimization, and management. And it rejects the neoliberal ethos that has dominated politics and economics for the last half-century: a fusion of heroic individualist rhetoric with managerial rule by markets, presented as inevitable and without alternative.

Against these currents, schmoozalism affirms a different foundation: the primacy of ensembles, the reciprocity of individuality and community, the exploratory character of play, and the convivial medium of the communitarium. What began as a description of Mamdani’s political style becomes here the sketch of a broader ethos, one we believe can serve as the living basis for socialism’s renewal.


2. Idiotism: Clarifying the Term

The world we inhabit today is structured by idiotism. By this we mean not the modern insult directed at someone’s intelligence, but the older sense of the word drawn from ancient Greece. In Athens, an idiōtēs was not a fool but a private person — one who withdrew from the affairs of the polis (the shared civic sphere) to focus only on personal concerns.

Idiotism, in this original sense, is the condition of self-enclosure: the withdrawal from communal life into privatized existence. It is the reduction of human beings to isolated, possessive units, cut off from the shared ensembles in which meaning, solidarity, and flourishing take shape.

This is the sense in which we use the term here. Idiotism is enclosure of the self. Under hegemonic capitalism, it becomes the privatization of meaning and the elevation of personal opinion and intent, treating individuals as units of consumption, production, and attention. Individuality is recoded as entrepreneurial selfhood — each person a mini-firm, optimizing for productivity and recognition.


3. History as Contingency, Not Necessity

Karl Marx and his contemporaries often conceived of history as an inevitable trajectory, a logic unfolding with necessity. From their perspective, socialism seemed destined to follow capitalism. Schmoozalism departs from this framework.

We hold history to be contingent. The comprehensive idiotism of our age was not an inevitability but one possible outcome. The siphoning of communal resources by higher-level hierarchies could have played out in other ways. In the nineteenth century, without knowledge of mass media, suburbanization, neoliberalism, and the Internet, it would have been difficult to foresee how fully idiotism would metastasize.

Thus, we should not accuse nineteenth-century socialists of “failing” to predict today’s conditions. Their horizon was bounded by the enclosures they directly confronted — land, labor, and capital. But this fairness does not excuse the absorption of idiotism that occurred within socialist thought.


4. Civilization as Siphoning (and the Role of Imaginaries)

To understand socialism’s blind spots, we need to place it within a much older civilizational pattern: the siphoning of resources from communal conviviality into hierarchical formations.

Human beings are endowed with pro-social tendencies: trust, reciprocity, curiosity, empathy. These evolved to sustain schmooze-level ensembles — the small-scale interactions through which meaning and solidarity emerge.

But civilizations have repeatedly fracked these resources, siphoning them upward into larger organizations: fiefdoms, early kingdoms, city-states, priesthoods, bureaucracies, corporations, empires, and modern nation-states. Smaller units often preserved some conviviality but were gradually subordinated. Over time, contests of scale led to the consolidation of ever-larger siphons.

At these larger scales, imaginaries became indispensable. In local ensembles, members see each other face to face. But at national or imperial scales, people must imagine one another as co-participants. Benedict Anderson’s “imagined community” of the nation is the classic example: millions of strangers bound by shared symbols, narratives, and rituals. These imaginaries can extend solidarity, but they are also easily captured — siphoning pro-social impulses away from local conviviality and into bureaucracies, armies, or states.

Neoliberalism adds a distinctive turn: it managerializes the siphoning itself. Communities are not only drained but actively recoded as markets. Mutual aid becomes “volunteer service delivery.” Schools become “competitive education providers.” Even friendship is colonized by metrics and platforms. Neoliberalism is the siphon that insists extraction is freedom.


5. Socialism’s Absorption of Idiotism

Socialism, while opposing exploitation, often carried forward this civilizational siphoning.

  • Taylorism: Lenin’s embrace of “scientific management” treated workers as interchangeable cogs. Socialist ownership of the factory did not dissolve the idiotism of Taylorized labor.
  • Ownership as Panacea: Many socialists assumed that once workers owned production, communal relations would naturally emerge. This was less materialism than crypto-theology: a faith that solidarity would appear without cultivation.
  • Possessive Individual: Socialism inherited from liberal philosophy the conception of the individual as proprietor — a figure cut off from communal reciprocity, relating to others only through contract or coercion.
  • Intellectual Property: Nineteenth-century thinkers could not have foreseen the rise of the intellectual property regime, now central to capitalist enclosure. IP fences off creativity and knowledge themselves.

Socialism’s vulnerability came not only from external enemies but from its own shallow rooting in ethos. Without the grounding of schmoozalism, socialism too easily imported idiotism into its own soil.


6. Idiotism Beyond Socialism

Other traditions also sought liberation while carrying forward idiotism:

  • Existentialism: Presented the “authentic self” as a solitary hero, echoing Leibniz’s windowless monad. Schmoozalism instead insists on individuality as reciprocal and ensemble-defined.
  • Cognitive Psychology: Even embodied cognition emphasizes the body of the individual, leaving out the ensemble. Schmoozalism stresses that cognition is always ensemble-enabled.
  • Game Theory & Behavioral Economics: These fields complicate homo economicus with heuristics, but the “player” remains an isolated actor. In reality, a prisoner in the prisoner’s dilemma is also a parent, a neighbor, a community member. To erase these multiplicities is to reproduce idiotism. Schmoozalism restores multiplicity as the real ground of decision and meaning.

7. Schmoozalism as Counter-Idiotism

Schmoozalism begins with the recognition that individuality and community are co-evolved wholes: inseparable, mutually enabling, constituted in relation.

Schmoozalism as Soil

It is the soil of socialism, not its fruit. The fruit is what we call socialism: institutions, policies, and economies organized around solidarity and reciprocity. But the soil is schmoozalism: the radical etiquette, interpretive practice, and ensemble conviviality that make those fruits possible and sustainable.

Without schmoozalism, socialism can be decreed, even built for a time, but it remains brittle. With schmoozalism, socialism grows organically, renewed in each generation through the ensembles that sustain it.

Communitaria as Media and Counter-Siphons

Communitaria are not reservoirs to be drained but media: living substrates where ensembles can arise and flourish. They are also counter-siphons: structures that replenish conviviality at its base, reversing civilization’s age-old depletion.

Venture Schmoozalism

Venture schmoozalism names the exploratory character of ensemble life:

  • Study: probing, testing, learning.
  • Creativity: recombining meanings and practices.
  • Invention: ensemble construction of tools and institutions.
  • Play: the foundation of them all — enacting multiplicity, bending or reinventing rules, keeping ensembles fluid.

Civilizational siphons suppress play, enforcing rigid rules and commodifying leisure. Schmoozalism restores play as a political ontology of multiplicity.

Historical Glimpses

  • Sewer Socialism: In Milwaukee, early 20th-century socialists focused on sanitation, housing, and public works. This was venture schmoozalism in practice — pragmatic, ensemble-oriented, inventive. But managerialism gradually hollowed it out, reducing citizens to clients of bureaucracies.
  • Cooperatives: Exploratory economic ventures that often absorbed corporate managerialism under competitive pressure.
  • Mutual Aid Societies: Rich forms of ensemble solidarity, later subsumed by bureaucratic welfare systems.
  • Open Source: A digital commons of playful invention, partially captured by corporations and IP regimes.

Each example shows both the vitality of schmoozalism and the danger of managerial capture.


8. Horizons and Pragmatism

Schmoozalism is not statist and not anti-statist. States are contingent resource-ensembles, legitimate only insofar as they serve smaller ensembles.

This stands directly against neoliberal inevitabilism, which insists that all institutions must be marketized. Schmoozalism affirms contingency instead: there is no natural inevitability, only the choices and experiments of ensembles.

Its stance is pragmatic: “when in Rome.” Schmoozalism engages state and economy tactically, but it does not enthrall itself to them. Its foundation is always the schmooze-level.


9. Conclusion

Schmoozalism is not socialism itself. It is the foundational ethos in which socialism becomes durable. It is the counter-idiotism that restores conviviality, replenishes multiplicity, and reopens the imaginative ground of collective life.

Where Randian objectivism exalts the isolated self, schmoozalism situates individuality within ensembles. Where managerialism reduces life to systems of control, schmoozalism fosters fluidity and exploration. Where neoliberalism insists on inevitability, schmoozalism insists on contingency.

Communitaria are the living media where this ethos is cultivated: counter-siphons, replenishing conviviality, sustaining multiplicity. They are where socialism’s foundation is laid anew, not in abstraction but in playful, exploratory, ensemble life.


➡️ Read the introductory essay: Schmoozalism: The Radical Etiquette Behind Mamdani’s Appeal
➡️ Read the companion essay: Why Mamdani’s Success Depends on Civic Communitaria


Takeaway: Schmoozalism is the ethos of ensembles: the soil from which socialism can grow, the practice of restoring conviviality at its source, and the invention of futures through play.

#TheCommunitariumProject #TheMamdaniMovement #RedefiningSocialism #Schmoozalism

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Zohran Mamdani’s campaign has mobilized New Yorkers on a breathtaking scale. But a Mamdani mayoralty will quickly run up against the trap of neoliberal managerialism and the danger of cultish overreach. Its strength will come not from charisma or technocracy, but from civic communitaria: living assemblies where New Yorkers sustain collective competence.


The Promise of a Mamdani Mayoralty

No one can miss what has just happened in New York City. Zohran Mamdani’s campaign brought tens of thousands of people into motion, united by clear demands: affordable housing, childcare, and a city that works for the people who keep it running.

That movement already distinguishes him from the “CEO mayors” of the last generation. Yet as Ross Barkan and others have warned, the role of mayor is not only agitator-in-chief. It is also manager of one of the most complex municipalities in the world. A Mamdani mayoralty cannot evade this reality.


The Managerial Trap

Managerialism insists that “competence” means efficiency, budget discipline, and keeping business confidence high. Its success is measured in bond ratings and growth indices.

If Mamdani allows himself to be judged by these standards, he will find himself fighting on the enemy’s terrain. He will be forced to reassure markets rather than mobilize people. The result: promises whittled down, demands deferred, energy dissipated.


The Charisma Trap

There is another danger, equally real: that Mamdani’s ability to mobilize people in motion gets misread as charisma.

Charisma can inspire, but it cannot institutionalize. If competence is located in the aura of the leader, then a Mamdani administration risks devolving into a personality cult. That is as sterile as managerialism, for both collapse the civic into a single figure — either the technocrat or the hero — rather than the living intelligence of the people themselves.

We call Mamdani’s alternative approach schmoozalism — a radical etiquette of encounter that defined his campaign.

But schmoozalism, on its own, is an ethos. It is the soil of politics, not its full harvest. To bear fruit, it requires structures that make the ethos durable. That is what we mean by civic communitaria.


A Schmoozalist Alternative: Civic Communitaria

What the campaign has proven is that competence can be distributed. Fifty thousand volunteers, disciplined coalitions, neighborhood roots: this is not charisma, it is infrastructure.

Civic communitaria would extend that achievement into governing.

  • Unlike New York’s community boards, they are not bound by municipal charters or limited to advisory roles.
  • Unlike conventional civic organizations, they do not simply represent members to City Hall.
  • They are porous ensembles, open to anyone, oriented to the life of the city, cultivating mutual practice alongside deliberation.

What are they in practice? Civic communitaria are set up, run, and maintained by their own members. They are organized online through open-source, federated platforms that ensure no single company or city agency controls them. The online layer is only a tool — a facilitative space where neighbors deliberate, coordinate, and share resources — always oriented toward real-world action: meetings, mutual aid, monitoring, and mobilization.

Think of them as people’s fora in that they provide ongoing space for deliberation and collective decision-making. Think of them as community centers in that they anchor real-world projects, practices, and forms of care. But unlike either alone, communitaria weave these elements together. They are independent but aligned: starting from support for Mamdani’s broad policies while remaining free to evaluate, pressure, and articulate needs in their own voice.


Why Mamdani Needs Civic Communitaria

  • They preserve campaign energy, preventing post-election demobilization.
  • They measure success in lived outcomes — secure housing, accessible childcare, reliable transit — rather than abstract efficiency metrics.
  • They inoculate against cultism by dispersing agency and competence among plural assemblies.
  • They erode managerialism’s monopoly by showing that competence can be collective, deliberative, and reproducible.

A Mamdani administration that welcomes such formations at its side will be stronger, not weaker. It will be accountable to real people, not merely to markets or the myth of charisma.

Because communitaria are not just instruments. They are the fields in which the soil of schmoozalism bears fruit: the spaces where everyday radical etiquette ripens into collective governance, where socialism becomes livable.


The Larger Horizon

Civic communitaria are one expression of a broader communitarian project: building living formations of shared life that complement but are not captured by state institutions.

If Mamdani’s mayoralty helps plant and nurture these new civic forms, his legacy will not be limited to policy wins. It will be remembered as the moment New Yorkers began to rebuild the civic in full — together, in deliberation, in care, in common action.


Takeaway: Zohran Mamdani won’t save New York — but with civic communitaria, New Yorkers can save it together.

➡️ Read the introductory essay: Schmoozalism: The Radical Etiquette Behind Mamdani’s Appeal

➡️ Read the clarificatory essay: Schmoozalism: A Clarificatory Introduction

#TheCommunitariumProject #TheMamdaniMovement #RedefiningSocialism #Schmoozalism

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Zohran Mamdani’s campaign captivated New Yorkers not only through its demands and discipline, but through its atmosphere. What drew so many to his side was not just policy, but practice: a way of being with others that we call schmoozalism — a radical etiquette that resists managerialism and reopens politics to human encounter.


Why Mamdani Felt Different

When supporters talk about Mamdani, they don’t begin with bullet points from a policy platform. They talk about his presence. His availability. The sense that when you encountered him, he was there to listen and engage, not to manage you as a constituent or a volunteer.

The campaign reflected this ethos. Tens of thousands of volunteers joined not because they were given marching orders, but because they felt part of a living conversation. Tasks were clear, yes — but always framed in relation to one another, never in the top-down language of a corporate team.

This was not accidental. It was the felt difference between Mamdani’s campaign and the managerialism of establishment politics. It was the everyday practice of what we are calling schmoozalism.


What Is Schmoozalism?

At its core, schmoozalism is a radical etiquette.

It is not about grand gestures or personal charisma. It is about the ordinary practices of encounter: greeting, listening, adjusting, deliberating, joking, telling stories, giving recognition.

Schmoozalism thrives at the schmooze-level of politics — the ongoing human traffic of conversation, care, and collective sense-making. Where managerialism prioritizes procedure, and charisma prioritizes aura, schmoozalism prioritizes relation.

It is radical because it insists that these everyday encounters are not superficial, but the very heart of democratic life.


Schmoozalism vs. Managerialism

  • Managerialism: defines competence as control, efficiency, and reassurance to markets. It is technocratic and aloof.
  • Schmoozalism: defines competence as the ability to cultivate relationships of mutual recognition, to host deliberation, and to sustain collective effort. It is intimate and attentive.

Managerialism seeks to suppress disruption in the name of order. Schmoozalism sees disruption as deliberation: a chance for voices to be heard, for disagreements to be worked through, for community to be renewed.


Not Charisma, Not Cult

It is important to be clear: schmoozalism is not a new name for charisma.

Charisma is the aura of a singular figure. Schmoozalism is distributed practice, reproducible across thousands of encounters. Where charisma risks cultism, schmoozalism resists it — because it depends on multiplicity, not centrality.

Mamdani’s success does not come from his personal magnetism alone, but from his capacity to host and model this radical etiquette in ways others can take up and carry forward.


Why It Matters Now

Politics in the United States has been suffocated by two models: managerialism and spectacle. One reduces politics to spreadsheets and bond ratings; the other reduces it to personality cults.

Mamdani’s campaign pointed to something else. What people experienced was politics as a shared conversation with purpose — one that could scale to tens of thousands without losing its human texture.

That is schmoozalism. And that is why it resonated so widely.

But schmoozalism is not itself socialism. It is the soil from which socialism grows. Without this ethos, socialism too easily withers under pressure. With it, socialist possibilities take root in the everyday life of a community.


The Road Ahead

The lesson of Mamdani’s campaign is not only that schmoozalism works electorally. It is that schmoozalism is the social fabric from which a new politics must be woven.

The next question, then, is how to sustain it beyond a campaign — how to prevent it from dissolving under the pressures of managerial office, or being misread as the aura of a single figure.

Our answer: civic communitaria. They are the living formations that can carry this ethos forward, making it durable enough to support a socialism rooted in shared life.


Takeaway: Mamdani’s appeal comes from more than policies. It comes from a radical etiquette of encounter — schmoozalism — that reminds New Yorkers what politics feels like when it is ours.

➡️ Read the companion essay: Why Mamdani’s Success Depends on Civic Communitaria

➡️ Read the clarificatory essay: Schmoozalism: A Clarificatory Introduction

#TheCommunitariumProject #TheMamdaniMovement #RedefiningSocialism #Schmoozalism

Creative Commons License
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License.


Comments (moderated, scroll down to view):